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The new Ipsos poll for Global News shows support for the Liberals has dropped to 42 per cent, the first time since the election began that the party has lost ground.

A wave of Israeli strikes across Gaza hit a hospital, a municipal building, a home and a vehicle, killing at least 21 people, including children, on Sunday.

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Pollsters and political campaigners don’t deny it; there’s a generational fault line in the federal election. Boomers are leaning toward the Liberals, since Mark Carney won the LPC leadership. And younger generations (Gen X, Millennials and Gen Z), angry about the cost of living, endorse the platform of Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives.

Admittedly, it’s an odd dynamic. Younger people preferring a conservative government and seniors wanting to retain a progressive status quo. I’m a boomer with Millennial kids, so this is personal.

And it’s real. Some of my contemporaries seem stuck in a time warp, wishing the world wouldn’t change. I also hear the well-placed frustration, even rage, in the voices of younger generations who tell me, “Don’t complain when your kids and grandkids leave for Texas.”

Claire Rattée, the youngest MLA in B.C.’s provincial Conservative caucus, is game to talk about generational divides. This 32-year-old Millennial was elected to represent the northwestern B.C. constituency of Skeena in 2024. After moving to Kitimat from the lower mainland in 2011, she’s owned and operated a tattoo parlour, served four years on Kitimat city council, and ran (unsuccessfully) for the CPC in the 2019 and 2021 federal elections.

We meet virtually; Claire’s in Victoria at the B.C. Legislature and squeezes our conversation into a tight window between a finance committee meeting and question period. This young woman stands out in a crowd — something she’s quite proud of — with her youthful vigour and all those tattoos. She points out a death’s-head hawkmoth tattooed across her chest; turns her neck to the left, to show me a large magpie, and then to the right, to point out a little fruit bat inked on her neck.

Unlike most of the friends her age in B.C., who are defectors from the traditional NDP, Claire assures me she’s not hopping on a new bandwagon; she’s always voted conservative. But she understands why her peers are switching their allegiances: “I think they have lost touch with their roots … Jagmeet Singh is not Jack Layton … David Eby doesn’t even hold a candle flame, in my opinion, to the late John Horgan. It’s becoming about elitism.

“The reason that the Conservative party is seeing this huge resurgence among my generation,” Claire asserts, “is that we see real substantive policies that I think are being explained better.” The public knows what Poilievre would do as prime minister, she says; “the party’s standing up for working-class people, blue-collar people, middle-income people, and it’s giving people hope.

“I’m very fortunate,” she adds. “I can afford a home, I can afford to run my business, I can afford to buy a nice vehicle, I can live fairly comfortably but that’s simply because of where I’ve chosen to live. Most people probably wouldn’t choose to live where I live (in Kitimat)…If I stayed in Vancouver I was never going to afford a home. My siblings will never afford a home because they don’t leave.”

And, she continues, “theatre is a part of politics”; leaders like Poilievre have figured out how to get younger peoples’ attention. Her generation is frustrated, she reports: “We can’t afford the things our parents or grandparents could afford, and so we want to see people that are passionate, that are speaking up.” That means political leaders “have to be a little over the top, a little more bubbly, a little bit louder and more passionate and theatrical,” she suggests. Staid and serious won’t turn younger heads.

Pushing back, I remind Claire that it was younger people who elected Justin Trudeau — the former drama teacher — as prime minister. She laughs; Trudeau was theatrical and charismatic and some would say attractive, she admits. But it was the marijuana legislation that captured the vote. “Plain and simple,” she states, “I can’t tell you how many people I know in my generation who told me the only reason they voted for him, and for many of them, it was the first time they ever voted, was because they wanted marijuana to be legalized.”

Talk of Trudeau raises another point Claire wants to make: “Conservatives, and I don’t mean the Conservative party, I mean conservatives in general, made a little bit of an error … by trying to put everything at the feet of Justin Trudeau.” She’s absolutely correct in her reasoning; Liberal policies are the same, the people are the same, but people now think “Trudeau’s gone, so things are going to get better.”

Over-simplification, I suggest, has also led to the mistaken idea in this election that a vote for Carney is a vote against U.S. President Donald Trump. The Canadian economy has been in decline for years and Trump’s become the scapegoat. “The same thing is happening here in B.C.,” Claire nods. “It’s absolutely painful. We can’t get through a question period without the NDP saying, ‘Well, you guys must be Trump lovers and this is all Trump’s fault.’ And we’re going, ‘the softwood lumber agreement, this was an issue long before Trump.’”

Over the course of our conversation, I realize Claire is far more forgiving of the boomers — or more optimistic — than I am. Perhaps, she suggests, after years of provincial NDP and federal Liberal governments in B.C., people of all generations “are just generally fed up with socialism; they’re just over it. They put two and two together and they can come to the conclusion that this is just not working.”

She’s also been door-knocking with Ellis Ross — her predecessor as MLA for Skeena, now the federal Conservative candidate for the Skeena-Bulkley Valley riding — and knows how voters are thinking.

Bottomline: What Claire prioritizes in a leader is authenticity. For her, Poilievre is genuine, he’s the real deal; though she does admit it may be easier to recognize this trait in someone closer to your own age (Poilievre is 45; Carney is 60). Trudeau and Singh lack this quality and it’s “definitely missing in Mark Carney,” is her assessment.

Claire is Opposition critic for mental health and addictions in B.C.; I can’t resist asking for her take on Poilievre’s promise to fund 50,000 addictions recovery spaces across the country. “In my riding, the entire northern (B.C.) health region,” she grimaces, “we have seven treatment beds.” The NDP has no problem opening up a safe injection site, she groans, “but God forbid we get a treatment centre.”

Claire doesn’t hide the fact she was once a drug addict, living on the streets of Vancouver. “I grew up in the Lower Mainland, so I was fortunate” to have access to a treatment bed, she says, sharing her story of recovery. “I probably wouldn’t be here today if I’d grown up in Kitimat.”

We’re generations apart, but I recognize her authenticity. It’s as obvious as the art on her body.

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Here’s everything you need to know about the 2025 federal election in Canada.

When is it?

Canada’s 45th federal election is scheduled for April 28, 2025. This snap election was called by Mark Carney after he was elected leader of the Liberal Party and became prime minister last month following Justin Trudeau’s resignation.

While federal elections are typically held every four years, they can be called at any time. In this instance, Carney recommended dissolving Parliament to address pressing issues, including trade tensions with the United States. If he hadn’t called an election, he would have likely faced a no-confidence vote when Parliament returned, which would have triggered an election.

Who are the federal leaders?

• The major political parties have the following leaders:
• Mark Carney: Liberal Party of Canada
• Pierre Poilievre: Conservative Party of Canada
• Jagmeet Singh: New Democratic Party (NDP)
• Yves-François Blanchet: Bloc Québécois
• Elizabeth May and Jonathan Pedneault: co-leaders of the Green Party of Canada

How many seats does each party have?

As of the election call, the seat distribution in the House of Commons was:

• Liberal Party of Canada: 152
• Conservative Party of Canada: 120
• NDP: 24
• Bloc Québécois: 33
• Green Party of Canada: 2

There are 343 seats up for grabs in the 2025 election, so a party needs to win 172 seats to command a majority.

How can I vote?

To vote in the federal election, you must be a Canadian citizen, at least 18 years old on election day, and registered with Elections Canada. Voting options include:

1. In-person on election day: Vote at your designated polling station.
2. By mail: Apply for a mail-in ballot if you cannot vote in person.
3. Advance Voting: Cast your ballot before election day at designated polling stations.

For more details, visit Elections Canada’s website .

How many days is the election?

The 2025 election campaign is 37 days, from March 23 to April 28. During this period, parties are holding rallies and events to present their platforms to voters.

When are the debates?

There are two debates scheduled for the 2025 election. The Leaders’ Debates Commission, an independent body, will host them both at the Maison de Radio-Canada in Montréal, Québec. The French debate will take place on Wednesday, April 16 at 8 p.m. ET. The English debate will be held on Thursday, April 17 at 7 p.m. ET. Radio-Canada anchor Patrice Roy will moderate the French debate and TVO host Steve Paikin will moderate the English one.

Important Dates

Voting by mail: The Tuesday before election day — April 22 — is the last day to register to vote by mail. To register, call Elections Canada or visit their website .

Advance polling: There will be four advance polling days between April 18 and 21. Be sure to bring official identification with your name and address on it.

Student voting: Between April 13 and 16, Elections Canada will operate its vote on-campus program at a number of colleges and universities , but students can also vote on election day

Military: Between April 14 and 19, Canadian Armed Forces electors can vote at the military poll set up for their base or unit.

• Federal Election 2025 platforms: Here's what the major parties have announced so far
• Federal Election 2025: Here's how to vote if you haven't received your voter card in the mail

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Fort McKay First Nation (FMFN) is an Indigenous success story. Situated along the Athabasca River, north of Fort McMurray in Alberta, the community has raised living standards for its members through revenue generated by First Nation-owned companies.

According to a 2020 FMFN financial report, the community generates 97 per cent of their revenue from such companies, with an average gross annual revenue of $1.7 billion over the course of five years.

The First Nation, which has 900 band members of Dene and Cree heritage living on the reserve and abroad, has emerged as a leader in Indigenous economic development. A 2018 Fraser Institute report attributed this success to “community capitalism.”

FMFN’s involvement in the oil sands industry began in 1986 with the establishment of the Fort McKay Group of Companies, a 100 per cent First Nation-owned oil sands construction and services company. The First Nation oversees twelve companies through its wholly-owned holding company, Fort McKay Landing LP.

FMFN has navigated environmental impact assessments, profit-sharing agreements, and consultation processes. “We place great emphasis on ensuring that we are actively involved in the decision-making process, ensuring our land and resources are protected for future generations,” said FMFN Chief Raymond Powder.

National Post spoke to Powder about how the First Nation strikes a balance between business and culture and how they have used their profits to grow their community’s economy. This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity and length.

How did FMFN first get involved in the oil sands industry, and what have been the biggest milestones?

FMFN was historically a trapping and fishing community. As those industries declined, we saw the oil sands as an opportunity for transition and adaptation. Partnering with oil sands companies allowed us to shift to a new economic base, and through our involvement in extraction and refining operations, we created a steady revenue stream. Our biggest milestones include the formation of the Fort McKay Group of Companies, which has become a cornerstone for our community’s economic self-sufficiency. Additionally, partnerships with companies like Suncor and the East Tank Farm project, a joint venture with other Indigenous groups, have been integral in diversifying our economic base.

How do the revenues generated from the oil sands sector benefit Fort McKay residents?

The revenues from oil sands operations through Fort McKay Group of Companies have been reinvested back into our community. We’ve built schools, a wellness centre, and housing, improving living conditions and community services. We also focus on educational programs, employment training, and health services to provide our residents with the tools and resources they need to succeed. Our goal is to ensure that youth have access to both career opportunities in the oil sands sector and beyond.

How does FMFN ensure that young people have access to education and career opportunities?

We offer numerous initiatives that connect youth with education and career opportunities. These include trade shows, educational fairs and post-secondary support programs. While many community members work within the oil sands sector, we are actively working to ensure that our youth have the skills needed to pursue careers outside the industry as well. We are committed to fostering educational success, which, in turn, supports the community’s growth and development.

What’s the long-term vision for economic self-sufficiency, especially in light of oil production being finite?

We are focused on economic diversification and long-term financial sustainability. Through equity partnerships, like Thebacha (a partnership that saw FMFN and the Mikisew Cree First Nation acquire a 49 per cent equity position in a Suncor facility north of Fort McMurray) we have positioned ourselves to invest in ventures that will provide long-term returns. This includes renewable energy and other industries, allowing us to build wealth that supports future generations. Our long-term strategy also involves working closely with other Indigenous communities, such as those in the Athabasca region, to address shared economic and environmental challenges.

How does Fort McKay balance economic opportunity with environmental responsibility, especially when it comes to oil sands development?

At FMFN, balancing economic growth with environmental stewardship is vital. We work closely with oil sands companies to ensure high environmental standards and maintain our own internal monitoring systems for better transparency. We are committed to minimizing the environmental impact while providing jobs and economic opportunities for our community. The key to our success has been ensuring that economic benefits do not come at the expense of our environment.

Can you explain the significance of Moose Lake and the efforts to protect it?

Moose Lake holds deep cultural and spiritual significance for our community. It is a sacred area where we engage in traditional practices such as hunting and fishing. The area is threatened by industrial encroachment, and we have fought tirelessly to protect it. We’ve advocated for buffer zones and restrictions to ensure that Moose Lake remains pristine and that our future generations can continue practicing their traditional ways of life. The lake symbolizes our fight for land rights, cultural preservation, and environmental stewardship.

What are the next steps in strengthening Fort McKay’s land rights?

We are actively asserting our land rights and seeking greater autonomy in governance. Part of this includes addressing historical land agreements and ensuring that resources like oil sands are properly factored into our treaty agreements. Strengthening our sovereignty is a key priority, and we are working to ensure that our rights over land and resources are recognized and respected by provincial and federal governments.

How does FMFN collaborate with other Indigenous communities in the region?

Collaboration is central to our economic strategy. We work closely with neighbouring First Nations such as the Athabasca Chipewyan and Mikisew Cree to address shared economic, environmental, and political issues. This includes joint ventures with oil sands companies and collective efforts to protect our land and resources. By working together, we can ensure that all communities benefit from regional development and share resources to maximize our bargaining power.

Looking ahead, what are the biggest opportunities and challenges for Fort McKay First Nation in the next 10-20 years?

The biggest opportunities lie in diversifying our economy, building long-term financial sustainability, and continuing to strengthen our sovereignty. However, challenges such as fluctuating global markets, resource dependency, and environmental concerns remain. We are focused on overcoming these challenges through strategic investments, collaboration with other Indigenous communities, and continued investment in our people and education. Our vision is to ensure that FMFN remains a self-sustaining, thriving community for future generations.

This is the latest in a National Post series on How Canada Wins. Read earlier instalments here.

• Why now is the time to build new oil pipelines
• America’s doctors are fleeing Trump. Why that’s good for Canada

Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark nationalpost.com and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here.

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